The Harmattan Within Raged

FP: "Hostage for a day in Yemen"

Tue, 19 Feb 2013 13:14:08 -0500

"In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four..."

Fri, 15 Feb 2013 08:51:26 -0500

“In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world. The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-everywhere in the world. The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.”

- Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jan. 6, 1941

Liberty haiku

Sun, 10 Feb 2013 18:02:10 -0500

For Viktor.

“Fears eat common space.

Violence tempts shackled hands.

Unbound breath deters.”

-Vanessa

المطر والجدار / גשם והקיר / Rain and the Wall

Mon, 07 Jan 2013 17:30:00 -0500

Rain can nourish and destroy. Today, it enlightened.

The tour bus picked us up at 8:30am. For safety reasons, I will call our Palestinian guide, Ziad. Ziad was born in a Palestinian refugee camp in West Bank. He is sharp looking and smart-witted. Ziad lost his father after Israeli soldiers shot him near a checkpoint in 2008. That same year Ziad joined a bereavement group alongside Israelis who also lost family members from the conflict. Ziad met our other tour guide, a Jewish Israeli whom I will call Amit, at a dialogue that same year. Amit is a long-standing peace activist. In the year they met, Israel had invaded the Gaza strip after several years of cross-border attacks and the kidnapping of an Israeli soldier. Many Palestinians died, as did Israelis. Both men, Amit recalls, joined the discussion to reflect on the crisis. The facilitator asked the group, “What are you doing about the situation?”. After five minutes of silence, “one by one people came up with ideas together. It was like magic”. Israelis and Palestinians developed an emergency plan to provide aid to Gaza. Within weeks, the group organized seven trucks to deliver much needed aid to the border.

Our class heard this story outside the Israeli government-constructed wall along and between the West Gaza border. When our bus approached, Ziad turned and visibly gasped. His shoulders sagged, “oh, the wall”. Staring at the graffiti-strewn construct through blurry bus windows, our class soon learned that the wall has many names. Most popular, we saw “apartheid wall” scribbled several times alongside, “I love Palestine”. Ziad provided a brief history of the logistical and humanitarian burden the wall bears on the Palestinian people. Amit, in turn, expressed that “lots of human rights [are] smashed by the wall, but also [the wall] gives lots of Israelis security,” which lends credence to the barrier’s other nickname, the “anti-terrorist wall”.

Ziad and Amit invite us outside to touch the wall. It was raining, hailing and windy. We file out. Our moods dim. I bee-line to the words, “I love you” graffitied in red. I don’t know how to feel. After 10 minutes, we re-enter the bus. Amit recalls his memories as an Israeli soldier in his late teens. Fear of Palestinians. Fear for the survival of Jews. Ziad returns to his frustration of the wall. Amit and Ziad soon noticeably turn to face each other. The bus tenses. “Only two types of people cross over that wall, peacebuilders and suicide bombers”. Our Palestinian and Israeli guides are in agreement. Their people must move together beyond victimization in order to achieve peace.

Several minutes pass by. A student recalls earlier. ”Ziad, I could see your pain” when you first saw the wall. She breaks into tears. Silence. Thuds of rain regain our attention. Something changes. In those moments, a new level of clarity engulfed our class. We became connected to the men before us and a conflict far removed from our daily lives.

שלום / مرحبا / Hello from Jerusalem

Mon, 07 Jan 2013 01:25:00 -0500

Arrived yesterday evening with a fellow classmate in Tel Aviv. Taxied approx 45 minutes to the Palestinian-run hotel in Jerusalem. We are in a less developed area. It is extraordinary. The Gates of Damascus, main gates to the Old City, are a five minute walk. The hotel lobby showcases ornate holiday decor. Our rooms are small, but well furnished. Upon my late arrival (delayed flight, more on that below), I hurried down to the classroom located in the basement. The lights went out for several seconds before the generator kicked in. Electricity sharing is an issue here, particularly in this part of town.

As the news reports indicate, “Israel braces for stormiest week of the winter”. Straying slightly from my modus operendi for travel reporting, my trip depiction will largely be through blog posts versus photos. (Unless I can figure out a camera-safe means to take photos in rain and 60 mph winds.) Rain generally does not dampen my mood. Stormy weather only beckons for greater imagination and curiosity when exploring one of civilization’s oldest cities.

Before I left the U.S., several circumstances highlighted Israel and the State of Palestine’s unique history and political environment. At my gate at the Newark airport, TSA erected an extra security screening for passengers. I was intrigued. Surrounding me, nearly 20 ultra-orthodox (not sure if this is a Politically Correct label, I will find out in class) jews awaited in line. Tall, boxed black hats sat atop yamaka adorned heads. Black suited, many sporting 1920s style glasses, most of the men (although there were 2-3 women) had long curly beards with their hair wrapped around their ears. I was a bit surprised to see so many all in one place.

I sat next to a young, Israeli man named, Guy. This is a common Israeli name. Guy was similarly surprised by the large number of traditional jewish men on the plane. He was not pleased with the extra security. We spoke at length. Guy is worried about the upcoming Israeli elections at the end of this month. Unimpressed with his leadership on certain foreign policy issues, we both commiserated on frustration towards our governments (ahem, Congress). Mid-conversation, I realized that the orthodox jews had assembled in the back of the plane for prayer. This was totally new to me. I was slightly unnerved, but again, fairly intrigued. From my journal, “I have mixed feelings: admiration, fear, fascination”. Unsure where the fear came from, I became more settled with the prayer sessions as they continued periodically throughout the 10 hour flight.

Once we neared Tel Aviv, the PA came on, “due to additional Israeli security measures, no passengers are allowed out of their seats until landing”. Mischievous excitement overwhelmed a tiny seed of fear. Finally succumbing, I asked the flight attendant what was going on. ”Standard procedure”. Comforted enough, I began prodding Guy for restaurant and tourist suggestions.

Turns out, the ultra-conservatives are New York city-dwelling Americans on a mission to Israel. My initial biases were completely incorrect. I imagine that will be the first of many misperceptions that I will correct while here. Off to class. We will brave the rain later this afternoon.

להתראותn / اللقاء / Good bye

Vanessa

South Africa

Wed, 21 Dec 2011 08:47:55 -0500

South Africa:

At the conclusion of a four-day ANC conference, party whip Mathole Motshekga said his party has a responsibility to rule South Africa “until Jesus pays another visit.” President Zuma made similar remarks in 2009 that received condemnation from religious groups.

"The edge of chaos is the balance point where the components of a system never quite lock into place,..."

Wed, 21 Dec 2011 08:45:01 -0500

““The edge of chaos is the balance point where the components of a system never quite lock into place, and yet never quite dissolve into turbulence, either…The edge of chaos is the constantly shifting battle zone between stagnation and anarchy, the one place where a complex system can be spontaneous, adaptive and alive…””

- M. Mitchell Waldrop, Complexity.

25%

Wed, 05 Oct 2011 10:18:00 -0400

Approximately 25% of Americans hold a Bachelor’s degree. Living in the Washington bubble, I was genuinely taken aback at this fact. At happy hour in Dupont, I can hear the sneers when I explain that I only hold an undergraduate’s degree. Then I thought a bit longer. I grew up in Wheaton, MD. By the time I reached middle school, my mother moved my sister and I a few towns over. The middle and high school in Wheaton had had a poor reputation for producing college-bound graduates. While I was no longer a minority, my new high school was undoubtedly diverse. I loved it, found my niche of girlfriends and every one of us graduated from high school, college, and some are headed to their Master’s.

From facebook, I have friended former classmates from Wheaton and I would ballpark that at least half do not have their Bachelor’s. Looking at my high school, even though it was new with great teachers, a good portion of old friends and acquaintances do not have a Bachelor’s either. Living in such close proximity to the Washington bubble, which let’s be honest, is an elitist city (at least the northwest quadrant), I can only imagine how slanted these “statistics” are. For those unaware, before Washington became a live-in city, the majority resided in surrounding Northern VA and MD - a ring of wealth that has in the past ten years seeped into the city. Gentrification in DC came at a cost to a sizeable, poor African American population, where rates of Bachelor’s degree attainment are astronomically low. Head 100 miles in any direction outside of DC and it is a similar scenario.

So what’s my point? Yesterday, House Majority leader Eric Cantor (VA-R) attempted to “kill” Obama’s Job Plan. For the majority of Americans that have no Bachelors, the job plan places priority on addressing unemployment through on-the-job-training, greater access to job counselors, extended unemployment insurence, and helps alleviate employers’ anxiety to hire in the current market. I am not trying to convince anyone of the plan, but there are certainly positive aspects. Yesterday’s threats to “kill” the initiative, however, heightened partisan identies and will likely instigate further obstacles to actively address unemployment. Check out below from Freakonomics on the Job Bill specifics. I will continue to follow this and post as necessary.

”- It’s reasonably well targeted. Unemployment insurance extensions will get spent. Infrastructure money gets spent and also builds stuff. As for the payroll tax: Who knows if it gets spent, but the point is to stimulate hiring, rather than spending.

- It’s reasonably well designed. The biggest problem with a payroll tax is that firms get it even for employees already on the books. But this time, the biggest payroll tax cut is only for firms raising their payrolls. This will yield a much bigger bang-for-each-buck. Early analyses have yet to realize how important this is.

- It’s reasonably timely. The usual argument against fiscal policy is that the spending only occurs by the time the economy is booming again. There’s no chance of that occurring. Perhaps this provides the confidence boost we need to counter double-dip concerns.

- It’s reasonably well focused. Tax credits for hiring the long-term unemployed will be very helpful in preventing the current recession doing long-term harm.

- It’s reasonably clever, removing the incentive to fire people, rather than reduce hours. (aka “Job sharing”)

- It’s reasonably evidence-based. Having the unemployed talk to a jobs counselor before extending benefits can have huge effects at minimal cost.

All told, it’s a very real plan and very specific. None of this is magic: Government gets more active when the market fails, and we pay it back when the market booms. This is all standard economics. There’s no gold-buggery, voodoo austerity or laughable Laffer-y. Obama’s not making up economics, he’s using simple tools to solve the obvious problems. And with long-term real interest rates close to zero, there’s no risk of this crowding out private investment.”

“The F Word: Famine is the Real Obscenity (US)”...

Tue, 04 Oct 2011 13:10:53 -0400

“The F Word: Famine is the Real Obscenity (US)” Please take a moment to read below from The One Campaign:

“Drought is inevitable, but famine is not. The current crisis in the Horn of Africa is the result of a tragic combination of factors that are man-made, including abnormally high food prices, lack of governance and security in Somalia, and a historic lack of investment in long-term agricultural development in the Horn. Over the past few years, we lost the political will and public support necessary to prevent the famine – and its causes. As a consequence, tens of thousands of children have died.

We have also missed the opportunity to help 200 million people from poor farming families lift themselves out of poverty. Communities in Africa can cope with droughts and natural disasters. But we need donors to put resources toward seeds, irrigation and teaching farmers new growing techniques. We need leaders to invest in early warning systems and national social safety net programs.

Congress can help keep our commitment to farmers in developing countries by fully funding Feed the Future— a life-changing USAID initiative that is investing in long-term agricultural development and could help put an end to famine for good.

Please sign our petition to Congress calling on them to fund this vital program:

http://act.one.org/sign/hungry_no_more_us?referring_akid=.5592001.89War7

Thank you!”

Foriegn Aid Cuts

Tue, 04 Oct 2011 12:05:00 -0400

Since Cameroon, Harmattan has gone through an identity crisis that mirrors changes in my personal, academic and professional life. I’ve given much thought on how to reflect the current “Vanessa-lens”: a fiesty 26-year old Washingtonian female with keen international awareness. Well, I thought for so long that I stopped writing. Upon friendly encouragement, I’m over that. I’m digging right back in and we’ll see where this all takes us.

Budget discussions strike an emotional cord for many Americans. Age old debates on cutting programs to create room for economic growth encircle media outlets, dinner tables and policy meetings. For the moment, I won’t take a stand on healthcare, the deficit, education or jobs. Not that I don’t care about these extremely important issues, but would instead like to focus on a topic that I have more experience on - Foreign Aid.

A NYT article today draws attention to the massive budget cut proposed for U.S. foriegn assistance. The slash in funds could have a debilitating impact on State, USAID and other respective agencies programmatic ability to affect change abroad.

There has been for too long an assumption that American assistance abroad severely impedes our government’s ability to deliver services and emergency relief at home. A recent poll by the University of Maryland suggests that an overwhelming number of Americans believe that foriegn assistance accounts for 25% of the budget. In reality, foreign assistance comprises 1% of the US budget. One percent. As Mercy Corps Director Of Policy explains, “The budget impact is negligible. The impact around the world is enormous.” Operationally speaking, budget money earmarked for foreign aid does not have a sizeable impact on domestic government functionability. To what purpose does cutting the foreign aid budget serve then?

Well it is certainly not for ensuring national security. Let’s look at the World Bank World Development Report for 2011. In a telling sign, this year the WDR focuses on Conflict, Stability and Development. Main point: Fragility and liklihood of violent conflict in a country directly correlates with poverty. States with violent conflict contain a host of security risks — terrorism, drug and weapon trafficking to name a few — for the United States. Foriegn assistance is one of our only vehicles to encourage development abroad through programs that both target instability (security sector reform, conflict resolution, governance) and poverty (education, development, reconstruction).

In the words of former Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates, “Where possible, what the military calls kinetic operations should be subordinated to measures aimed at promoting better governance, economic programs that spur development, and efforts to address the grievances among the discontented, from whom the terrorists recruit.” -2009

Photo

Wed, 06 Jul 2011 21:28:06 -0400

Photo

Wed, 06 Jul 2011 21:26:59 -0400

Beautiful Chicago viewed from the Hamilton.

Wed, 06 Jul 2011 21:24:29 -0400

Beautiful Chicago viewed from the Hamilton.

Revealing optimism

Tue, 21 Jun 2011 19:24:02 -0400

Revealing optimism

Baalbeck, Lebanon. Approx. 30 minutes from Syrian border.

Sun, 12 Jun 2011 15:27:26 -0400

Baalbeck, Lebanon. Approx. 30 minutes from Syrian border.

Syrian protests outside White House, Washington, D.C. June 11,...

Sun, 12 Jun 2011 11:42:08 -0400

Syrian protests outside White House, Washington, D.C. June 11, 2011

Syrian protests

Sun, 12 Jun 2011 11:40:00 -0400

Yesterday afternoon, on a walk across Layfayette Park facing the White House, I found myself in the middle of a “volatile” protest - as informed by a Washington, DC Police Officer. Looking up, I realized that while fiddling with my phone, I had walked right down the middle of two huge groups, cordoned off from each other and waving Syrian flags - screaming and cheering. Uh oh. Another police officer angrily screams at me to get out of the no-go zone. I nod, but ask which group is pro and anti-President Bashir al-Assad? Surprisingly, the noticeably more angry group was pro. Looking at today’s media, “Outrage builds over bloodshed in Syria,” one would assume the angrier side was against the President. But, looking more closely at the crowds, the two groups were very distinct from one another. Deep-bellied and fierce chants enveloped the growing crowd - approximately 70 - of al-Assad supporters. Those who stood against them were much quieter, most were energized but some looked bored. After some thought, I realized how this simple protest exemplifies the violent conflict playing out in Syria.

In Syria, at this very moment, violent clashes between Syrian security forces and what they deem as “armed gangs” are ongoing in the north-western border with Turkey. Last Monday, conflicting reports suggest that 120 policemen were killed in the area after these “armed gangs” attacked them OR a group of police mutinied and were killed when they refused to attack the town. Hard to tell. In any case, approximately 4,600 Syrians have sought refuge in Turkey since the fighting began.

Syrian troops have engaged in weeks of violence against protesters that call for al-Assad to step down. It is important to note that many soldiers have defected in recent months. Now let’s go back to our mini protest in DC. Why would the pro-president group be more angry? President al-Assad is under pressure to cease violent activity from both Arab and Western forces. According to psycho-social theory, groups that feel threatened exhibit a heightened and unified social identity. When that identity - pro-al-Assad (this could also be pro-government in general) - becomes challenged, groups may enter into conflict behavior. When latent conflict emerges into a conflict situation, core issues -freedom, economic equality, etc. - between groups become intertwined with group identity. Violence becomes more likely. Yesterday’spro-President group is not necessarily angrily protesting out of their love for al-Assad, but because in their identification with him and what he represents to them, their identity is at risk should al-Assad fall. Clearly economic factors could also play a role in persons’ identification with the ruling government; however, the abject anger displayed at the DC protest suggested the conflict goes much deeper at the intra-personal level: one’s identity.

On the opposite side of the spectrum the loosely organized anti-al-Assad group, far removed from the actual violence against their ideological brethren, had less inclination to become volatile toward the other group. Presumably, these expat Syrians come from different parts of the country and are solely connected in their support for the protesters that have risked lives in their homeland. There is no defined social identity except anti-al-Assad. In this sense, it is difficult to rally a diverse group of people, especially those outside the impacted country, together for a cause unless they are in someway emotively connected. Looking back to Syria, the core conflict issues that led to calls for al-Assad’s removal suggest that Syrians across communal and geographic lines were motivated to join forces in response toa deep structural inequality. Otherwise, it is unlikely their protests would have sparked momentum and sustainability. We shall see what comes of it all. To remain in power, President al-Assad will have to carefully balance exerting force and sidestepping actions that will inflame and unify those protesting against him.

Scorching Washington summer heat makes me long for a return to...

Sat, 11 Jun 2011 14:18:10 -0400

Ayder

Kaçkars Mountains

Kappadochya

Ani

Mt. Nemrut Dagi

Scorching Washington summer heat makes me long for a return to Turkey.

Conflict Escalation in the Democratic Republic of Congo: An Historical Overview, Part II

Sat, 11 Jun 2011 11:10:52 -0400

A lull before the storm: Kabila in power

Kabila’s assumption of power marked the end of the civil war, but only a pause in conflict escalation between surrounding African states and Congolese leadership. The open sore in the east continued to fester and would again become host to a destructive escalatory cycle. Neither Kabila nor his allies had strong political bases that only grew smaller under his corrupt and inefficient rule. The new President also angered many former FAZ soldiers through their mistreatment at re-education camps that Kabila had ordered. In an attempt to strengthen his domestic support amidst grumblings, Kabila tried to distance himself from Rwanda and Uganda. The decision to alienate his former financial and logistical backers proved to be a poor one that contributed to the reemergence of violence. To protect their security and economic interests, by the spring, Rwandan and Ugandan leaders began discussions on replacing Kabila.

Tensions mounted between Rwanda and Kabila in the summer and culminated with the dismissal of the Rwandan contingent of the Forces Armees Congolaises (FAC) in late July. Kabila had come under pressure from fear of a Rwandan-sponsored assassination attempt and public disapproval over Rwanda’s continued military presence in the country. Forcing out the Rwandan forces however became the tipping point toward conflict re-escalation. On August 2, the Congolese Commander of the 10^th Brigade stationed in Goma declared war against Kabila and was soon joined by the 12^th Brigade in Bukavu. These units had received direct training and support from Rwanda over the previous year and soon formed the umbrella rebel organization the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Democratie (RCD). In response, Kabila encouraged his troops to begin targeting Tutsis in Kinshasa and across the country. The rebels began their offensive and overtook diamond-rich Kisangani and the Inga hydroelectric station (that provided power to Kinshasa) within the first few weeks of fighting.

Soon after the fighting outbreak, Congo’s surrounding states took sides and escalated the conflict into an inter-continental war. The RCD and Rwanda were joined by Uganda and together made up the primary actors fighting against Kabila and his supporters. Museveni at the time felt increasingly threatened by Sudan-supported guerilla groups staging attacks from the northeast Congo. To combat this nuisance, Uganda lent support to the RCD and began exclusively supporting a new rebel group, the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC). Financially, Uganda had other interests. Since 1996, UPDF leadership were benefitting from illegal gold mining in the Congo that had been used to help finance the war placing Kabila in power. Angola and Zimbabwe, however, backed Kabila. The Angolan government was battling rebel group, Uniao Nacional para a Independencia Total de Angola (UNITA), which had previously enjoyed Mobutu’s support and operated freely in Zaire. With Mobutu’s departure, UNITA found supporters in Rwanda and Uganda. In January 1999, Angola officially entered the conflict as a Kabila ally and sent in planes and trained the FAC. Zimbabwe, on the other hand, entered the battle to safeguard the country’s original investment in bringing Kabila to power.

For the greater part of 1999, the conflict became entrapped as the primary actors continued fighting but neither side could dominate the other. The RCD, RPA, MLC and UPDF launched an offensive early in the year but quickly lost momentum against the relatively weak FAC and its very strong allies. In the east, the FAC fought alongside local Mayi-Mayi guerillas and ex-FAR and interahamwe troops. Mayi-Mayi militias formed in response to the RPA’s violent tactics against the local populace. In the midst of ongoing battles, Rwanda and Uganda’s alliance became increasingly divided over ideological differences and control over the diamond trade. Soon, pro-Kigali and pro-Kampala forces began fighting against each other and split into the RCD-G (Rwanda) and RCD-ML (Uganda). The divide indicated that actors’ motivations for violence were changing. Resource exploitation had become both a source and aggravator of the conflict.

Simultaneous to the RCD rift and after months of fighting key conflict actors came together to negotiate a ceasefire. The resulting Lusaka Peace Accord on August 1, 1999 was flawed from the outset and did not include the signatory of the RCD nor the Mayi-Mayi — who had not been invited to the negotiating table. Nevertheless, the Accord mandated for the reconstitution of the DRC’s sovereignty, militia disarmament, foreign troop withdraw and a UN peacekeeping force to ensure abidance. Within months, the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) arrived. Kabila, however, would only allow MONUC to operate in rebel-held territories, therefore tainting its credibility and inhibiting its mission to oversee the ceasefire. The Lusaka Accord did result in a scale-down of efforts from the major foreign actors in the central and west of the country, but was not enforceable in the east. In the Kivus, low-intensity violence among the splintered and alternating militia alliances dug the conflict deeper into the social and economic fabric. (Research drawn upon a variety of sources, and particularly, Prunier, Gerard, “Africa’s World War,” University Press: Oxford, 2009.)

Commentary on DRC history piece

Sat, 11 Jun 2011 09:54:08 -0400

If you have not heard of the Peace and Collaborative Development Network (PCDN), I encourage you to take a look. PCDN is a professional networking site for the peace and development community — there are over 20,000 registered users. Craig Zelizer, PhD., Associate Director at Georgetown University’s Conflict Resolution MA program, created PCDN a few years back and has done an excellent job charting its progressive direction.

I posted my DRC blog piece on the PCDN and received the following insightful and helpful commentary:

Comment by Patience kabamba 13 minutes ago

Thank you Vanessa for this posting. I am sorry for the tone of my message. It might sound rude, but this is a kind of frustration I cary in my scholarly life as a Congolese. Yes, indeed you can post these thinking. I am not talking about the west in general because I know by experience that there are lots of debate. There is no one western thought, the the dominant ideas on Africa do not challenge the status quo. I will be happy to cross your paths in the Kivu. Thank you again. I agree about the lack of justice. That is the reason he rebels in the east give you for taking arms. But, they, also treat the civilians exactly like those they are fighting. The war is waged on unarmed civilian and on female bodies. It is a shame for humanity!

Comment by Vanessa Kulick 23 minutes ago

Thank you all for taking the time to comment, I deeply appreciate it. Patience, if you do not mind, I would be interested in posting your comment on my actual blog, the Harmattan Within Raged. You raise great points that should be widely viewed. I agree with you on much of what you discuss. Admittedly, I am a newer edition to the international affairs field and on the DRC particularly. My blog post comes from an attempt and interest to learn more about the country’s past to better understand the conflicts today. My goal is to move to eastern Congo next summer to work and learn Swahili for a couple of years — your work sounds very interesting, I would be curious to learn more about it. In terms of the structural conflicts you refer, I agree that the system in place breeds conflict and violence because of the inherent inequalities. I also agree that a more just system would most likely need to emerge from local consensus and drive, and that external forces would do well to implement policies that encourage this type of positive transformation. One slight issue, I believe that conflict emerges not only when there is a lack of economic return on peoples’ investment in life, but also a lack of justice, identity, freedom (not necessarily in the Westernized sense), and a host of other basic human needs that when not satisfied lead to societal dysfunction. I think that you are quite right that I need to spend a significant amount of time in-country before I can authoritatively assert what sources of conflict outside economic greivances are applicable in the eastern Congo, and I look forward to an opportunity to do just that, and hopefully help tackle them head on. Again thank you for your time in raising relevent points. My next post will certainly take them into consideration. Best, Vanessa

Comment by Hezron Cotts Masitsa 5 hours ago

I am serving in a new position in my organization that is involved in peace building and development projects in the Great Lakes region. I am have a keen interest in understanding the context that is so crucial in informing relevant interventions. This is why I find the above analysis very interesting. However, I do note the concerns of Patience that cannot be ignored. I would be interested to hear more on ways that societies can empowered to say no to exploitative forces/structures. I am very much in agreement that we have to think seriously about a grassroot approach to social change by empowering local communities to confront structures that have continously perpetuated social injustice. I hope to hear more feedback from folks

Comment by Patience kabamba 16 hours ago

I have been working on eastern DRC for the last 10 years and I have observed that most of Western writers on the DRC are political scientists and do not have a field experience which goes beyond few trips in the region. During my two years field work in Butembo I saw many western scholars coming for few days or months in the region. The consequence of this kind of short term visits is that the literature which comes from it is generally well written but superficial. Prunier is in the region for some time already but, he has remained silent on the structures of underdevelopment and the inherent conflict contained in such exploitative structures. It is good to focus on individual leaders and contenders to power but, all this is done in a structural context which is not questioned by many writers. I am more interested in the social dynamics which allow these structures to survive 50 years after the independence. Transformation will come only when society will say no to these exploitative structures and to their gate keepers who are the current political leaders and the silence of western scholars on these impoverishing structures. The major problem according to me is the extraversion of our economies. Conflicts are generally the result of lack of economic return on people’s investment in their life. We have been set since the beginning of the colonial time as providers of raw material which generate a minimum value added compare to finite products. To keep these colonial structures alive African leaders were turned into “gatekeepers” and against their own people. I have seen no analysis so far on the Congo which takes on these structures. I work on the transnational production of local communities by Nande traders. The community which emerges from Nande’ s transnational dynamism is neither traditional nor modern, but it deconstruct the western model of states which is uncritically posed as normative. Our major problem is to generate more revenue from our wealth. We cannot do it if we continue to ship war material to those who has colonized us. We need to start transforming our minerals and agricultural wealth in order to extract the maximum of value added. How can we dot it? It will take a national political will to start preparing Congolese students to get the necessary technologies we need. But here also the force of the “status quo” which benefit from Congo, in peace time as well as in war time will put their energy to destroy the authors of this kind of project. It will take a strong leadership, strong individuals with a new social contract to oppose companies which are hungry for Congolese minerals. Our problems are structural as well as individuals. Current social organization we call State seems inadequate and unadapted to our fights and progress. Fifty years of decolonization have shown that the sort of “state” African countries have embraced is inadequate. The conflicts in many African countries are signs of these inadequacies and are healthy in the long term even if in short term they are devastating. Something should come from ground up after we have destroyed the top down state colonially imposed on us. African scholars all urged to rethink the sort of social organization which could impact positively the majority of our people. The one we have today is enriching few people at the expenses of all the majority of Africans. Unless we focus our political, economic and intellectual emerging in thinking on the ways we improve lives of our people, our education would be a pure and simple distraction. Some Western scholars are entertaining us into these distractions.

Comment by Pastor Samuel Muderhwa M 17 hours ago

As Congolese from the area you mention,I’m so much interesting to ready what you post, and pass through the information. please, I would like to know on how people from your region are seeing about the national Election that will take place in D.R.Congo
thanksSamuel

Comment by Olusola Adeoye 18 hours ago

Hi,

it will be nice to read your account on DR Congo unending conflict. I remember I wrote my MA Thesis on Post-War Congo in 2009. I tried to describe the rebuilding of the country following the Lusaka Accord, Inter Congolese Dialogue and Sun City Agreement and then the one of the UN’s most expensive elections in living memory. But, you understand as I do that the war never ends though some stability returned much of the DRC.

Looking back to the time i spent reading, monitoring and gathering all data, i think it would be nice now to read you account of DRC war now that my focus is on transboundry water management.

Thank you for this great effort